Category: visual anthropology

Photography and travel

No, you can’t! My wife has just politely asked if she can take a picture of a mural in a Korean restaurant we pass in Vietnam’s capital, Hanoi. Crowds of tourists are in the city, and it is little wonder that they are slightly tired of us. But it is a wall she wants to photograph!

I’ve spent most of my life travelling the world, both as a tourist and for work. Over the years, I have seen how travelling itself and the view of travellers have changed and thought a lot about how we as travellers should relate to it.

The first time I visited Vietnam was in 1995, soon after the country re-opened for tourists. There, as in many other places, children came running and demanded to be photographed. If you asked adults, they were happy and often proud to pose. Sometimes, they almost demanded that you take a picture. With the analogue cameras of the time, with limited amounts of film, you had to devise strategies to avoid taking too many pictures. Today, it’s not like that; even the kids don’t say, “Hey, take my picture”, anymore. Instead, you’ll often see some pretty annoyed expressions or people turning their heads away when a camera or phone is brought out. Taking photos of people we don’t know is no longer acceptable. How did this happen, and is it a bad thing?

The first reason is that we now have an enormous amount of tourists travelling to all corners of the world. Tourism is flooding the world, and we’re crashing into people’s backyards in a never-ending stream. Vietnam is just one of the hundreds of countries that get an overdose of tourism every year. I am currently in the small coastal town of Hoi An. It has a fantastic old city centre. Hundreds of thousands of us know it and take advantage of it. Everywhere you turn, there is a tourist. All the houses have been converted into restaurants, cafés, shops and massage parlours catering exclusively to tourists. Every house is stylishly refurbished, catering to our abstract nostalgia of French Indochina. Yet it gives an aftertaste of being in a theme park at Disneyworld. Who wants to live here? Who can live here? Outside the city centre, it is quieter. Still, if you follow the smallest little alley, you soon stumble over a “Homestay” or a “Villa” that is deliberately nestled in this particular neighbourhood, or rice paddy, for the tourist to experience the “genuine” or “original”. We meet tourists in droves on wobbly bicycles behind a guide who shows them the “real” Vietnam.

My family and I lived for a few years in a beautiful old train station back home in Sweden. It was not uncommon for tourists to stop outside and photograph our house. Once, when the whole family was having a weekend brunch in our pyjamas, a tourist picked up the camera and took a picture of the house and us through the window. My wife gave the finger and fervently hoped they would later zoom in on the picture and see it. No one likes a tourist. In Old Uppsala, they are an occasional one, but in Hoi An, we come in swarms.

In another over-touristed city: Kyoto, Japan, you see signs in some residential areas prohibiting photography. There are also crowds of tourists there. Most are respectful with their cameras, but not all. A video clip is circulating of a tourist repeatedly running in front of a geisha (or is she a maiko?) to take her picture. The geisha makes it overwhelmingly clear that she does not want to be photographed. Still, the parasitic human continues, unable to understand that it is not within her privilege to do so. For this, of course, she has also been pilloried on all sorts of online forums. While singling out individuals and subjecting them to online hate is probably not the right way to go, as tourists and visitors, we should think a bit more about how we take photos when we travel. When do we bother people who did not ask to be tourist objects?

A likely second reason for a reduced acceptance of our photography is today’s awareness of how widely images are circulated. Most countries, including Vietnam, use social media and have come to understand how quickly images spread. With the mobile phone camera, most people have first-hand experience of how it works, but they also have first-hand access to ‘our gaze’ – how visitors see them. They see our photos and often read our comments. This is not always appreciated. At its core, this scepticism about how we portray others is nothing new. During my years in the West African countries of Sierra Leone and Liberia, I was often told that Westerners were only photographing them to make money and that we looked at them like animals in a zoo. We want to see them half-naked in the wild or photograph them intoxicated and crazy with weapons. Or why not in some strange ritual?

“People not yet overtaken by civilization” is a tourist phenomenon. My wife and I recently spent a month in Laos, a country that is also becoming increasingly touristy. In the city of Louang Prabang, we booked a day of canoeing in the beautiful river landscape but were initially herded into a minibus with other tourists. The first stop was a tourist village containing mountain people dressed in traditional costumes and selling all kinds of stuff. They all wanted us to take pictures of them. An economic strategy, of course, but it felt both painful and tragic. They showed us their “authentic” culture 20 meters from the road in a dusty alley. In addition to their culture, they also played on the delicate strings of our culture by being represented mainly by women – one woman demonstrated how they hunted wild boar, even though in their culture, as in ours, it is mainly men who do it. The vendors were old or pregnant women, and the children they brought with them were dirty and snotty, all to fit our cultural stereotypes of their poverty.

A few weeks later, when we were up in the mountains in the north of the country, we lived among other mountain people. Here, tourists were few and far between, yet there was a clear awareness of our photography. Portraits were avoided, and we should not take pictures in people’s homes. One elderly man started grumbling when we photographed a suckling sow; no children suggested we photograph them, and everyone kept the photographer an arm’s length away. We got more direct contact only in the house where we slept and where we could communicate with the owner over a meal and some local brandy. Then, the opportunity to photograph the family also opened up.

This awareness and ability to say no, or at least express dissatisfaction, is fundamentally sound. This is the third reason why the possibilities of photographing people have changed. An awareness of post-colonial world order and global injustices is not new, but with the internet, social media and rivers of tourism, these injustices have become overt and inescapable. While the average person in Vietnam is economically much better off than when I was here 30 years ago, their knowledge of who the tourists are has also become much more evident. Vietnam produces a vast amount of our clothes, sneakers, etc., but the country, and more especially the common man, gets a very small share of that profit. Turning your face away or saying no can be seen as slightly resisting the global world order. It is primarily a sign of good health. A small one, but still.

For a long time, I used the camera to communicate. I picked up the camera and asked if I could take a picture, and after the picture, we started talking. The camera opened up. I experienced things through the camera. Back in 1989, in Indonesia, I met a man smoking outside his house on a garbage dump. It was at dusk, and I told him it would make a beautiful picture. Without hesitation, he agreed to have me photograph him as a proud homeowner. After that, he invited me to dinner. It was simple food in a very simple house – which it probably always is if you can only afford to build a makeshift home on a dumpsite. He had worked at Siemens in Germany, so we talked all evening, both of us in broken German. When I left, I was so full of life!

It started when my system camera got in the way while I was living in the conflict areas of Liberia and Sierra Leone. To people, it signalled that I was a photojournalist – which I was not. I noticed how they recoiled when I had the camera with me, which they didn’t normally do. I got a smaller camera to use when travelling. It worked for a while, but now I find even the cell phone gets in the way. It, too, creates a distance between me and the place I’m visiting. And the people. Of course, reducing the camera size was the wrong way from the start: trying to make my habit of photographing invisible. The camera was supposed to be a communication tool. That’s where I went wrong. I wanted to photograph to show the world in all its richness, not to engage in spy-like behaviour. We must photograph with respect, and we are probably doing something wrong if we need to hide our cameras.

Travel photography has profoundly changed over my years of travelling the world. Yet it is far from dead. Nature is there, and the fellow travellers and poetic compositions of the city and countryside are still numerous. The opportunities to photograph “locals” are still there, but now have to be done more on their terms. A little more is required of us today—a greater investment in the encounter. We need to be genuinely interested in the people we meet. We can’t just walk by and throw up the camera – which we should never have done in the first place. We need to spend time with the people we want to capture. Then and there, we may suddenly find ourselves taking photos again. We might even be asked to do so. However, to do so, we need to travel slower. Stop for longer. When we stop for real, we can still photograph people in all their beauty. 

There are still so many lovely, exciting faces, spectacular events, and environments that I would like to photograph, but I refrain from them today. I have to accept that I am the guest and that I am not the one in charge. Instead of pictures on my hard drives, I am re-training my head to collect mental memories better. I get to walk around and look, try to understand, ask questions, and soak up the realities that contrast my everyday life at home. After all, that’s what makes me travel.

Mats Utas is a researcher in cultural anthropology. He has lived in West Africa for several years and has travelled around the world for almost 40 years. He is not a photographer but has made both photo exhibitions and documentary films. He currently lives in Hoi An, Vietnam, a small town he first visited in 1995. Back then, travellers were few and far between, but he remembers meeting an American backpacker who told him he liked doing drugs at Disneyworld. His mantra was: “Disneyworld on acid, better than the real world”. …..

Development for somebody else, by Alexander Öbom

Motorcycle-taxi driving: one of few new jobs in Kisoro district. Drivers often rent their vehicle from someone else, who can afford to buy it.

Alexander Öbom graduated from our international master program in cultural anthropology. His acrylic paintings presented here, inspired by local artistry, offers a unique way of representing and describing the field. His thesis is available online here

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Motorcycle-taxi drivers in the district of Kisoro, in southwestern Uganda, talk about “development” which takes place in their society, but which they do not perceive as their development. Rather, it is a development carried out by others, mainly for others, while these drivers and many other locals feel that they only get the leftovers from it all.

A small network of asphalt roads has been constructed in the district since 2007, and the place has become a tourist destination for a growing number of foreign visitors who travel to the area´s national parks to catch a glimpse of gorillas. Simultaneously, new service jobs, in hotels, shops and on motorcycles, have popped up.

During my fieldwork in the area, in 2017, many motorcycle drivers described how the new roads were constructed by foreigners, local businessmen or unspecified others. These roads were also sparsely trafficked, and mostly by trucks transporting goods and by tourists, rather than by locals. Evictions of local people from national parks and establishment of new hotels had benefited foreigners, while being largely disadvantageous to locals like these drivers themselves.

Motorcycles were imported from India on the new roads. The so-called ‘Boda Boda’ motorcycle-taxi system was often portrayed as one of all these leftovers – a poor job and a poor taxi service which had recently been established in the area instead of better jobs and transport alternatives, which were only available for people with lots of money. The purpose of my painted acrylic pictures is to illustrate these experiences visually without disclosing identities. These illustrations have given me the posibility of adding and combining issues from a large number of photos and also working with feelings that is rarely contained in a photo.

People in Kisoro had dreams and clear ideas about what they wanted, not seldom derived from information and inspiration reaching them through screens – on smartphones and TV:s – screens which made an external world which seemed to prosper very visible. But even if inspiration flowed into the area, opportunities did not follow. A real development should provide industrial jobs, replace subsistence farming, and eradicate poverty, in many Boda Boda drivers opinions, but this development had mostly brought economic inequality, and the relatively few and not very well paid informal jobs which it had provided for ordinary people, meant many households nonetheless depended on subsistence farming, as a complement to these jobs, with an ever-growing competition for the land, as a result. And most roads which locals used extensively, walking, or riding on a Boda Boda, between their farms and their jobs, were left unpaved and in poor condition. It all resembled scholarly descriptions of how various so-called developments in the global South have become very uneven in the era of economic neoliberalism (see, for example, Leys 2005:111-116).

Some people had worked as Boda Boda operators for about a decade, but when they started, they used bicycle-taxis, and motorcycles were rare. A few of them said the recent shift to motorcycles had had a negative effect on their personal economy, as motorcycles are more expensive to buy and to run. Their price implied that many operators instead had to rent their vehicles, and pay substantial weekly fees to the motorcycle owners. Although many saw the shift to motorcycles as a step toward modernity, and although most customers who I talked to portrayed it as a positive change, many drivers framed it as a bad one. Yet still as customers prefered motorcycles, drivers felt they had no choice but to use them. It has been contended that “the Boda Boda transportation system allows rural and remote populations to connect with a broader social and economic network” (Gamberini 2014), but many people in Kisoro district felt that these vehicles, as a result of economic restraints, had not provided them with much new mobility. Glorification of bicycle times was only one of many responses and examples of nostalgia which circulated. Other nostalgic stories were related to the recent shift from high quality mobile phones to low-quality budget phones, the district’s deteriorated fishing industry and the liquidation of the country’s public transport systems in favour of informal transportation. This resonates with anthropologist James Ferguson’s use of the term abjection, which refers to people feeling that they have lost something valuable in society which they had in the past (Ferguson 1999:237-238), and it resembles nostalgic feelings found in other African settings (Trovalla & Trovalla 2015).

It would be wrong to say that there existed only negative attitudes toward the transformations taking place – many people appreciated the recent changes – but ambivalence was common, and a feeling of being partially excluded from Kisoro’s development, partly included but in not so beneficial ways, were present among many. Unfortunately, this does not seem to be a very unique feature; as many scholars have pointed out, people in various places, not least in Africa, often feel somehow excluded from a modernity of others (Mains 2007, Utas 2003:151, 252). As Kisoro’s development seemed mostly focused on other people it was perceived as highly limited, but not only limited – in a sense that more of the same would be a solution – it was also perceived as a distorted form of development.

A lack of alternatives had brought many men to the motorcycle-taxi job, and as a result, drivers experienced evermore competition, which implied that they had to spend enormous amounts of time just waiting for customers, while simultaneously waiting for a development for them – which they hoped would come, eventually – rather than the development for somebody else, which they currently experienced.

Alexander Öbom has a background in journalism. He is currently a self-employed artist and a research assistant at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU). He has traveled extensively in Uganda and neighboring Rwanda during the last seven years.



Litterature

Ferguson, James 1999: Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt. Berkeley: University of California Press

Gamberini, Gian Luca 2014. Boda Boda: The Impact of A Motorbike Taxi Service in Rural South Uganda. Helvedius Group of Columbia University.

Leys, Colin 2005 [1996]. The Rise and Fall of Development Theory. In Edelman, Marc & Haugerud, Angelique (eds.) 2005. The Anthropology of Development and Globalization: From Classical Political Economy to Contemporary Neoliberalism. Oxford: Blackwell.

Mains, Daniel 2007. Neoliberal Times: Progress, Boredom and Shame among Young Men in Urban Ethiopia. American Ethnologist 34:4, 659-673.

Trovalla, Eric & Trovalla, Ulrika 2015. Infrastructure as a divination tool: Whispers from the grids in a Nigerian city. City 19:2-3.

Utas, Mats 2003. Sweet Battlefields: Youth and the Liberian Civil War. Dissertations in Cultural Anthropology. Uppsala University.

Familiar with Graphic Anthropology? Didn’t think so… by David Johansson

During the second part of this spring sociologist Ugo Corte and I will teach a new master course in the Ethnography of the senses here at Uppsala University. I have over the last few years tried to encourage students in both using other technologies during fieldwork and also opening up for other outputs than the traditional essay. One student who took the challenge was David, at the time a BA student at the department, who went to Malta for a workshop in Graphic Anthropology. Here is his take on graphic anthropology.

Familiar with Graphic Anthropology? Didn’t think so… Neither was I before I was forwarded an e-mail for an upcoming workshop on Malta(!) last March. It turned out that some sort of renaissance in the ways of using fieldnotes accompanied by drawings was taking place. At least as a part of doing participatory observations in fieldwork and as one method of Visual Anthropology. Not knowing where it would eventually take me I started filling out the workshop’s application online… Continue reading